11. As Noldeke observes (ibid., p. 233), it may be doubted whether Simeon could read and write.
12. See Harnack, Dogmengeschichte , ii. 377, note 1; and the account given by Zacharias Rhetor (Land, Anecdota Syriaca, iii. 138 f.).
13. The others mentioned by name are Baradatus and one Jacob. Of the latter Evagrius merely says that he was a Syrian monk (like the other two); the Codex Encyclius calls him "Jacob, a monk of Nisibis" (so also Nicephorus Callistus, Eccl. Hist., xv. 19); while Theophanes Confessor (ed. Classen, i. 173) calls him "Jacob Thaumaturgus." The monk intended is evidently the one lauded by Theodoret in his Religious History, chap. 21.
14. In Harduin, Acta Conciliorum, vol. ii. (1714), p. 690 ff.
15. This clause seems to be a later improvement. It is not found in the older form of the letter.
16. The Vita Euthymii, in which the story is told in much greater detail, gives the letter in almost the same words.
17. It was all the more natural that Simeon should show this courtesy to the Palestinian hermit, because Domnus II. of Antioch, who was a friend of Simeon's (see below), had formerly been one of Euthymius' pupils.
18. Evidently referring to Leo's circular letter, mentioned above.
19. The reading of this passage is doubtful; see note on the Syriac text. The two manuscripts differ at this point, and neither one presents a fully satisfactory text. The original reading was probably this: "I in my weakness beseech your Royal Highness to keep the faith of the holy fathers---that which at Nicaea was delivered with authority to the holy church of God---spotless and unimpaired unto the end."
20. I do not know that this place has been identified.
21. Died 454, three years after his deposition at Chalcedon.
22. For the explanation of these words, see below, page 272.
23. The left hand margin of this page (fol. 229a) of the manuscript is badly rubbed, so that the last few letters of each line are lost. The words or letters which I have restored conjecturally are usually enclosed in brackets.
24. See Hallier, Untersuchungen uber die edessenische Chronik, p. 76; and cf. Harnack, Dogmengeschichte , ii. p. 367, bottom.
25. He appears to have been the first formally to impeach the orthodoxy of Eutyches.
26. See the epistle of Nonnus of Edessa, written to the Emperor Leo, and signed by a number of the bishops of the region (Assemani, Bibl. Or., i. 258).
27. Cyril of Scythopolis was no ordinary biographer, but a zealous and trustworthy historian, careful of his statements and critical of his sources. For his Life of Euthymius, moreover, he had especially good material at his disposal.
28. Hallier, Untersuchungen uber die edessenische Chronik, p. 115 f.; Syriac text, p. 152.
29. According to Theophanes Confessor (ed. Classen, i. 170, 172), Leo wrote the letters two years after his accession. Similarly Georgius Cedrenus (Migne, col. 662), "tertio anno."
30. As, e. g., Harnack is inclined to believe ( Dogmengeschichte , ii. 342, note 1). For the contrary view, see Neander's History of the Church, (trans. Torrey), ii. 528 f .
31. There would be nothing strange, to be sure, in Simeon's writing to the patriarch John at this time, urging him to keep clear of Nestorius and his doctrines. We have a letter of Theodosius to the Stylite, written shortly before the convening of the council, in which the emperor beseeches him to use his influence with John of Antioch to this end (Harduin, Acta Conciliorum, i. 1685). It was, perhaps, with that letter in mind that this one was composed.
32. This collated copy of the Syriac text was very kindly made for me, at my request, by the Rev. G. Margoliouth, of the British Museum.
33. B adds, " the accursed" (plural).
34. See page 265, note 2.
35. "Das Falschen von Acten war im 5.---7. Jahrhundert eine wichtige Waffe zur Vertheidigung des Heiligen" (Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, ii. 871, note 4).