CHAP. 21.--The impious Philostorgius says that he wrote an encomium in praise of Eunomius, and he does not blush to avow the deed.
CHAP. 22.--He says that Constans was put to death by the tyrant Magnentius, on account of his zeal for Athanasius. After his death, Constantius stayed for some time at Edessa in Mesopotamia, his presence being required there on account of the Persian war. During this time their elder sister Constantia, the widow of Hanniballian, in fear lest the tyrant Magnentius should reduce the whole empire under his power, proclaimed as Caesar Veteranis, one of the masters of the |459 cavalry. She seemed to do this in her own right, because their father, while alive, had placed the imperial crown upon her head, and had named her Augusta. As soon as he received intelligence of these matters, Constantius sent the crown forthwith to Veteranis, confirming to him by this act his title of king ; afterwards, however, he set out with an army into the West against Magnentius, under the pretext of a desire to enter into a friendly conversation with Veteranis ; and because the latter had afforded him some ground for suspecting a revolt, he apprehended him, and deprived him of his imperial robe. But he punished him with no other disability, and even admitted him to his table ; and eventually he banished him to Prusa in Bithynia, and assigned him an ample and magnificent estate, thus securing him against all possibility of being in want of those comforts which constitute the happiness of private life.
CHAP. 23.--Philostorgius says that Sapor, king of Persia, waged war against the Romans, and laid siege to the city of Nisibis; but that, contrary to the general expectation, he was obliged to withdraw his forces and to return covered with shame, because James, bishop of that city, had shown the citizens what to do on their own behalf, and had fought wonderfully with a firm hope and confidence in God on behalf of the safety of the city.
CHAP. 24.--The Sucian Alps, as Philostorgius says, as well as those which are called the Julian Alps, are a succession of narrow passes, with large mountains meeting closely together, so as to afford mutual strength to the position. These passes, he observes, by the way, are somewhat like the narrow pass of Thermopylae. The Julian Alps divide Gaul from Italy, but the Sucian Alps are the frontier between Dacia and Thrace. Veteranius seized upon these narrow passes, and so afforded to Constantius grounds for suspecting him of meditating a revolt.
CHAP. 25.--While Constantius was preparing his expedition against the tyrant Magnentius, intelligence was brought to him that the Persians had already set their forces in motion against the provinces of the East. On this account he deemed it necessary to nominate Gallus as Caesar, and to send |460 him into the East against the Persians. Now Gallus was his own cousin ; for Constantius, the father of Gallus, was brother to Constantine the Great, who was the father of Constantius and his brothers.
CHAP. 26.--Constantius gained a victory over the tyrant: upon this occasion also the sign of the cross appeared to him: its appearance was of immense size, and in the brightness of its rays it wonderfully surpassed even the brightness of day. It appeared at Jerusalem about the third hour of the day which is called the day of Pentecost. This sign, which was portrayed by no human hand, was seen to stretch from the Mount of Calvary even to the Mount of Olives, and was accompanied by a large iris, like a crown, which surrounded it on all sides. The iris, indeed, signified the mercy of Jesus Christ crucified and taken up into heaven, and the crown denoted the victory of the emperor. Moreover, that splendid and venerable sign did not escape the notice even of the soldiers. But though it was clearly seen by both armies, it frightened above all measure Magnentius and his partisans, who were addicted to superstitious practices ; while, on the other hand, it inspired Constantius and his army with invincible bravery. Magnentius, however, having suffered this defeat from Constantius, afterwards recovered his strength by degrees, and, engaging with him in a second battle, was entirely defeated, and fled away to Lyons with the loss of nearly all his army. And first, indeed, under the assumed appearance of good-will he killed his brother in order to rescue him from injury at the hands of the enemy. Finally, he fell upon the sword which he had placed to his breast, and so died by his own hand, having exercised his usurped power for about four years.
CHAP. 27.--Philostorgius says, that Basil and Eustathius, having fallen into enmity with Aetius, devised some absurd calumnies, and incited Gallus against him, so that Gallus, in reliance upon his bishops and burning with rage, ordered Aetius to be sought out and to be put to death by having his legs broken. But when Leontius, bishop of Antioch, had given the Caesar information which directly contradicted what had been alleged against Aetius, the sentence of condemnation was revoked, and Aetius soon afterwards went to the court of |461 Gallus and was reckoned among his friends. He was also repeatedly sent to Julian, especially at the time when Gallus had taught his brother to lean rather to the side of heathenism. He was sent, however, with the design of recalling Julian from his impiety. Gallus, moreover, appointed Aetius his superintendent of religious instruction.
CHAP. 28.--Gallus having shown considerable valour in the war against the Persians, certain calumniators endeavoured to stir up against him the hostility of Constantius. The latter, accordingly, as soon as the war was settled by the valour and bravery of Gallus, sent Domitian the prefect of the Praetorium with secret instructions to keep Gallus from quitting the city of Antioch. For by this means he thought to diminish the glory which Gallus was reaping from his bravery and care of the state. But Domitian, who was so far from acting within the tenor of instructions, that he even exceeded them by his boldness both of thought and of deed, as soon as he reached Antioch, where Gallus was staying, would not endure even to appear in his presence. On account of this insult, and other matters besides, Gallus determined to inflict capital punishment on the prefect for his haughtiness and contumacious conduct, and took Montius as his assessor in this determination. The latter, using unbounded confidence, addressed Gallus in these terms: " You are not empowered to create even a curator of the city; how then can you venture to kill the prefect of the Praetorium?" Constantia, the wife of Gallus, was so exasperated by these words, because Gallus was both Caesar and the husband of Augusta-- (for this latter dignity she had herself received from her father)--that she dragged down Montius from the judgment-seat with her own hands, and gave him over into the hands of the attendants, who immediately seized him and carried him to Domitian; they then seized him also, dragged him. down from his throne, and tying ropes round the feet of both, |462 they put them to death with every mark of insult. This was done in great haste, and with the consent of Gallus.
EPITOME OF BOOK IV.
CHAP. 1.--CONSTANTIUS was much enraged when he heard what had happened to Montius and Domitian, and summoned to his presence Gallus, who immediately obeyed the command, because, although he suspected no good from his sudden summons, yet he feared the chance of a civil war following in the event of his refusal. Constantia, however, went on before him, and endeavoured to obtain an interview with her brother before her husband, and to implore mercy on his behalf. But upon her arrival at Bithynia, her journey and her life were at once broken off by a sudden attack which ended fatally. By this mischance the fears of Gallus were considerably increased, but still he did not depart from his previous resolution, so he went on his way accompanied by Theophilus the Indian. Moreover, upon the arrival of Gallus in Noricum, Barbation is sent from Milan, where Constantius then happened to be, to strip him of his purple robes, and to banish him to an island in Dalmatia. But Theophilus, who chanced to be at hand, would by no means allow the matter to be brought to so ready a decision: for at the time when Gallus was created Caesar, he was himself the mediator of the treaty made between Gallus and Constantius, by which they mutually pledged themselves to friendship, and promised that they would not lay plots against each other; and it was he who all along had kept them at peace. Accordingly, on being informed of this middle position thus held by Theophilus, Constantius ordered him to be sent away into exile, and Gallus to be stripped of his purple and carried in the dress of a private citizen into a certain island, where a military guard was set over him. Moreover, the eunuch Eusebius, who had been elevated to the dignity |463 of a Praepositus, was supported by a party in his attempts to excite the mind of Constantius more and more against Gallus; for they feared that Constantius, either in remembrance of his oath, or moved by the tie of consanguinity, would recall the Caesar from banishment, and that Gallus, as soon as he had escaped that danger, would miserably destroy them all. Accordingly, they fraudulently and treacherously plotted together and sent persons to put Gallus to death. But, before the deed of blood was accomplished, Constantine relented, and sent another party to prevent the bloodshed. But Eusebius persuaded them not to approach the island, and not to show any one the rescript of the emperor forbidding the execution of Gallus before he was actually put to the sword. The matter was carried out in accordance with their designs: and hence it was that Julian, when he afterwards succeeded to the purple, put to death Eusebius and his comrades on account of the iniquitous execution of Gallus.
CHAP. 2.--Constantius, moreover, weighing well the weight of the imperial power, and his own inability to support it single-handed, summoned Julian, the brothpr of Gallus, out of Ionia, and appointed him Caesar, at the same time giving him his sister Helen in marriage; and sent him forthwith into Gaul as governor ; for matters were in a very troubled state in those parts.
CHAP. 3.--He went however himself to Sirmium, where he settled for some time. At this period he recalled from exile and restored to his citizens Liberius the bishop of Rome, for whose recall the Romans were very clamorous. Philostorgius then goes on to say that this same Liberius, and with him Hosius the bishop [of Cordova], wrote openly against the term "consubstantial," and against Athanasius himself, when a synod had been convened there, and had brought over the aforementioned prelates to its own opinion. But as soon as they had subscribed, adds Philostorgius, Hosius returned to his see of Cordova in Spain and governed the church in that place, while Liberius administered the church of Rome. Felix, who had been consecrated as bishop during the absence of Liberius, voluntarily retired, retaining |464 the dignity of a bishop, though he presided over no local church.
CHAP. 4.--Upon the death of Leontius, bishop of Antioch, the friends and partisans of Eudoxius, as Philostorgius relates, translated him from his see of Germanicea, and placed him in the chair of Antioch. This Eudoxius followed the opinions of the Arians, except only in as far as he was led by the writings of Asterius to profess the opinion of those who held that the Son was like in substance to the Father. But the Arians led him to abandon this opinion, and brought him over to believe the persons to be unlike in substance. But Philostorgius says that Eudoxius was gentle and modest in his character, and endued with no small degree of dexterity and cunning, but he vehemently censures him for want of courage. He says also that his father's name was Caesarius, and that he derived his origin from Arabissus, a town of Armenia Minor ; adding at the same time, that though he yielded to the blandishments of women, yet he ended his life by martyrdom, thus blotting out the spots upon his character, and gaining moreover a heavenly crown.
CHAP. 5.--Eudoxius, according to Philostorgius, promoted Eunomius to the diaconate. But Eunomius refused to undertake the office of a deacon before he had arrived at an accurate knowledge of the doctrines of that party.
CHAP. 6.--When the administration of the church at Antioch was put into the hands of Eudoxius, Philostorgius relates that Basil of Ancyra bore the disappointment with great impatience. For he had himself cast an ambitions eye towards that see, and carried it about fixed in his breast as the one desire of his heart.
CHAP. 7.--Constantius, when his wife Eusebia, whom he dearly loved, was afflicted with a disease of the womb, found it necessary to recall Theophilus from exile, for the latter was |465 celebrated for his divine skill in healing diseases. Accordingly Constantius implored his pardon for all the injuries which he had inflicted upon him, and earnestly entreated him to cure his wife. And his request, as Philostorgius testifies, was not made in vain, for as soon as Theophilus had laid his healing hands upon the empress, she was set free from her malady.
CHAP. 8.--He says that Basil, having taken with him Eustathius, bishop of Sebaste, and other leaders of the churches, brought charges before the emperor against Aetius and Eudoxius, alleging against them] among other matters, that they had been privy to the conspiracy of Gallus, and actual participators in it. Theophilus too was implicated in the same series of charges. The emperor believed the story of Basil, which was supported by the women, whom Basil had already brought over to his side, and accordingly sentenced Theophilus to exile, and banished him to Heraclea on the Pontus, while he ordered Eudoxius to quit Antioch, and to keep himself within his own house. Afterwards he gave up Aetius and the rest of his party into the power of his calumniators. But Basil had held a disputation concerning the faith in the presence of the emperor. In this disputation he maintained that the Son was like to the Father in all things, but he made no mention of the question of substance, and totally avoided the term. They also endeavoured to get this opinion confirmed by the sentence and signature of the senate. And not long afterwards, as soon as the news of what Basil had done reached Antioch, Eunomius undertakes the ordination of a deacon, and being sent as an ambassador to Constantius to get the decrees rescinded, he was taken prisoner on his road by the followers of Basil, and was banished to Midasus in Phrygia. Aetius, however, fell into the hands of Basil and his party, and was sent into banishment at Pepuza, a small village of the same country: at the same time Eudoxius retired into Armenia, his native country. Other individuals also, to the |466 number of seventy, were condemned by the voice of Basil and his party, and were sent into exile.
CHAP. 9.--The victorious party, upon accomplishing the above-mentioned matters, traversed the country in every direction, confirming men everywhere in the Homoiousian belief, that is, in the likeness of substance between the Father and the Son ; and when many flocked over to their opinion, they drew over to their side Macedonius, the bishop of Constantinople, although he had previously been more inclined to the sentiments of Eunomius. Many other bishops also they induced to join their party, being drawn over partly by their speeches and partly by the force which they added to their persuasions.
CHAP. 10.--He says that Patrophilus, bishop of Scythopolis, and Narcissus, of Irenopolis, together with some others, came to Singidunum, a city of Maesia, and brought back to Constantius news of what had been fraudulently done by Basil. Constantius was amazed and confounded with grief, and recalled the condemned from exile, ordering at the same time two synods to be convened, one at Rimini, for the bishops of the West, and the other at Nicomedia, to assemble together the bishops of the East, and Libya, and Thrace, in order that the arguments alleged by either side might be diligently weighed and sifted. But the impious Philostorgius asserts that an earthquake put a stop to the holding of the synod at Nicomedia, because the greater part of the bishops there were favourably inclined to the Homoousian creed ; this earthquake, he says, killed Cecropius, bishop of Nicomedia, and fifteen other bishops, who had arrived before the rest, shattering the church in which they were assembled. But the synod of Rimini, at which three hundred bishops were present, entirely rejected the use of the term "substance," but declaring the Son to be like to the Father according to the Scriptures, it confirmed that belief with the signatures of the bishops present.
CHAP. 11.--Nicomedia being thus overthrown, as Philostorgius says, by the earthquake and a consequent conflagration and inundation of the sea, a synod was at length convened at Seleucia, Basil and his party having refused to meet at Nicaea, and Eudoxius and Aetius to adopt Tarsus. But the |467 party of Basil, having contrived by their artifices to divide the synod into two factions, and having met together apart from the rest, declared the Son to be like to the Father in substance; they also proceeded to depose such as entertained the opposite opinion, condemned the doctrine which asserts the Persons to be unlike, and finally by themselves ordained Annianus bishop of Antioch. But Eudoxius and Aetius, having subscribed their names to the doctrine of unlikeness, sent their letters about in every direction.
CHAP. 12.--But the emperor, on being informed of these matters, ordered the whole of the bishops to assemble at Constantinople. Accordingly they meet together, nearly all the episcopate, as well from the West as from the East and from Libya, Basil and Eustathius being the leaders of those who professed to hold that the Son was like to the Father in substance. These these had a great number of supporters present, and among them a second Basil, who even at that time was only of the order of deacon; he was superior to many in his powers of speech, though from natural timidity and shyness he shrunk from public discussions. But of those who professed their belief in the unlikeness of the Persons, Aetius and Eunomius were the leaders, so far as concerned power and influence, each of them being only of the rank of a deacon. Next to these came the bishops Maris and Eudoxius, who at that time was bishop of Antioch, but was afterwards promoted to the see of Constantinople, as likewise Acacius, bishop of Caesarea in Palestine, who pretended that he was of their party in order to cause pain to Basil, because the latter treated with marked respect Cyril, bishop of Jerusalem, whom he had deposed. Acacius, moreover, was bold in discussion, most acute in discerning the point in matters of business, and very eloquent in enforcing his opinion. Hence also the acts of this synod, which are not few in number , were digested and arranged by him. Accordingly, as soon as both parties had come into conflict concerning their respective dogmas, Basil was the patron of those who professed to believe that the Son was like in substance to the Father. But those who asserted |468 the dissimilarity of substance, put forward Aetius and Eunomius as the champions of their cause. Moreover, Basil and his partisans, when they saw Aetius pitted against him as his adversary, in fear of his eloquence, avowed that it was indecorous for bishops to contend with a deacon concerning the doctrines of the faith. But when the leaders of the opposite cause shrunk back from the contest, saying that the matter at stake was not their dignity, but the question of the truth. Basil came forward to the contest, though unwillingly; and, as he writes, he was entirely overcome by his eloquence. So that he not only confessed that the substance of the begotten Son differed from that of the Father who begot him, and was like him in no respect; but also, as Aetius demanded, he confirmed his profession by the subscription of his signature. When the emperor learned these tidings, and still bore in his mind all fresh the calumny of Basil against Aetius, he took advantage of that event to gratify his anger. Accordingly, he ordered both of them to appear in his presence, and asked Basil what were the charges which he brought against Aetius. Basil answered, that he asserted the Son to be unlike the Father in substance. Upon this Aetius said, "I am so far from thinking or asserting that the Son is unlike the Father, that I confess him to be like without any difference." But Constantine, laying hold of that word, "without any difference," and not even enduring to learn in what sense Aetius used that term, gave orders that he should be expelled from the palace. But afterwards, with the assistance of Acacius, he brought about the judicial deposition of Aetius from the episcopate; and it was not only the orthodox who subscribed his degradation, but also those who were of his own opinion; of whom some had changed their former opinion, while others defended, under the name of economy, what they had been unwillingly compelled to do. Further, Constantius, bringing into the midst of the synod the epistle of the Western bishops, ordered it to be confirmed by the subscription of the bishops who were present. Now, in the letter were contained the following words, " That the Son is like to the Father according |469 to the Scriptures." Then also, by the artifice of this same Acacius, who always had one thing hidden in his bosom and another ready upon his tongue, both all the bishops who were present, and also those who hitherto had professed to believe the Persons to be unlike in substance, added their subscriptions.
EPITOME OF BOOK V.
CHAP. 1.--UPON this Acacius, having drawn over the emperor to his own sentiments, assailed Basil, Eustathius, and many other bishops with various accusations, and deposed them from their sees. He also stripped of his sacerdotal dignity Macedonius, bishop of Constantinople; and after his degradation it was with the consent of the emperor that Eudoxius was translated from the see of Antioch and chosen in his room. Those who were deposed were also sent into banishment : Basil went into Illyria, and the rest were dispersed in various places. When they were led into exile, they revoked the subscriptions with which they ratified the faith of the council of Rimini: and the latter party preached the doctrine of consubstantiality, while the others renewed the opinion of a similarity of substance in the Persons. Aetius, however, being deposed for the introduction of his term "without any difference," which was manifestly at variance with the rest of his public teaching, is banished to Mopsuestia in Cilicia, though most of his followers and partisans had not only set their signatures to the condemnation of himself, but also of his doctrine; some casting entirely away the opinion which they had previously embraced ; others, again, playing the part of mere time-servers, and reverencing the will of the emperor as paramount to the truth. Moreover, Acacius, having got Basil deposed and banished from motives of private hostility, and Aetius on account of his difference of opinion, returns to Caesarea and appoints professors of the Homoousian faith, as bishops of the sees of those churches which were deprived of their pastors. Thus, at Nicomedia., he consecrated Onesimus in the place of Cecropius, and substituted Athanasius in the |470 room of Basil at Ancyra, while he set another Acacius over the church at Tarsus in the room of Silvanus. But at Antioch, all the clergy who had formerly agreed with Basil in the line which he pursued against Aetius and Eudoxius, were driven into banishment without an opportunity of defending themselves. Meletius, too, was summoned from Sebastia, a city of Armenia, and placed in the see of Antioch by the same Acacius in the place of Eudoxius, who had ascended the throne of Constantinople. But Meletius, though previously he had professed his belief in the unlikeness of substance between the Father and the Son, suited his views according to the will of the emperor, and subscribed the epistle of the Eastern bishops. But after his elevation to the see of Antioch, he came forward as a most valiant defender of consubstantiality. The same Acacius also consecrated Pelagius bishop of Laodicea. And, to speak briefly, wherever force and influence seconded his design, he used all, possible zeal in placing those who most strenuously professed the consubstantial creed in the place of those who were expelled.
CHAP. 2.--The emperor, having learned from Acacius that Aetius was treated by Auxentius, bishop of Mopsuestia, with all possible care and kindness, ordered him to be removed to Ambdala, that he might there bring his life to a miserable close on account of the fierce and savage character of its inhabitants. And when, on account of the heat, that place was infected with a very terrible pestilence, this impious forger of lies declares that Aetius appeased the Divinity and warded off these calamities, and was treated in consequence by the barbarians with the greatest kindness and respect.
CHAP. 3.--After the deposition of Eustathius, Eusebius, and Eleusius, Maris and Eudoxius consecrated Eunomius bishop of Cyzicus, with the full consent of Constantius. Eunomius, however, refused to submit to their consecration until he had received from them a pledge that Aetius should be set |471 free from his sentence of banishment and deposition. A period of three months was specified for the performance of this stipulation.
CHAP. 4. -- Constantius had previously been in the habit of gaining victories over his enemies ; but after he had stained his hands with the blood of those who were near of kin to him, and had been driven on by the calumnies of Basil to punish Aetius, Theophilus, and Serras with banishment, he was forced to retreat in disgrace from a battle which he fought with the Persians.
CHAP. 5. -- The impious Philostorgius declares that Meletitos, bishop of Antioch, was banished by Constantius, who happened at that time to be staying at that city, to Meletina, his native country, as though he had been convicted of perjury, because while he was most ardent in preaching the doctrine of consubstantiality, he pretended to embrace the doctrine of "an unlikeness of Persons. After this, Constantius summoned from Alexandria Euzoius, the partner of the heresy of Arius, and, ordering the bishops to lay their hands on him, appointed him to the see of Antioch.
EPITOME OF BOOK VI.
CHAP. 1.--SOME individuals of the clergy of the city of Cyzicus accused Eunomius before Eudoxius as though he asserted the Son to be unlike the Father, because he denied that he was like him in substance, from which they drew the inference that he held the Son to be really unlike the Father. Moreover, they accused him of changing the established rites, and of casting out those who would not join with him in his impious designs. On this account a tumult was raised in the church of Constantinople, which was strenuously agitated by a certain presbyter of that church named Hesychius. Eudoxius forthwith summoned Eunomius to his presence. Upon |472 his arrival he accused Eudoxius of sloth and carelessness in the performance of his promises. Eudoxius answered ihat he had by no means neglected to perform them, but that first the tumult ought to be quieted which had been roused on his account. Accordingly, Eunomius began to plead his defence before the clergy of Constantinople, and so conciliated the minds of those who were previously excited against him, that he was induced not only to come over to his own opinions, but also to offer a ready testimony to the piety of Eunomius. For not only was he never detected in asserting the Son to be unlike the Father in those sermons which he delivered, but he also freely professed to teach that he was like him according to the Scriptures. That he was like in substance was a position which he by no means admitted ; for he said that it was equally impious to declare the Son to be like in substance to the Father, and not to confess that he was entirely like, according to the relation existing between the only-begotten Son and the Father, who had begotten him without passions. And he infected with these views not merely the great body of the clergy, but also the entire congregation of the church ; for the style of his discussions on these points struck them with admiration, not only of his wisdom, but also of his piety. On this account Eudoxius was rejoiced above measure, and exclaimed, "Mine answer to them that do examine me is this." And the people applauded Eudoxius, because he had quoted the words of Holy Scripture so effectively and opportunely.
CHAP. 2. -- The impious Philostorgius declares that the hateful Eunomius delivered to the people, at the command of Eudoxius, on the feast of the Epiphany, a sermon in which the abominable and detestable doctrine of that school was openly taught. For those detestable individuals ventured to assert, that after the ineffable birth of her Son, Joseph had conjugal intercourse with the Virgin Mary; and what is still more audacious, they did not hesitate to declare that the Son was but the minister of the Father, and the Spirit of the Son. |473 Moreover, the very style which they used at that time was far removed from that of graceful panegyric, being turgid, with obscure and superfluous expressions, and the employment of words of impurity, tending to a speech at once distasteful, ridiculous, and confused ; declaring that God had openly visited them with the punishment of a mind darkened and confounded.
CHAP. 3.--After heaping many praises on Eunomius, Eudoxius not only brought himself to perform no part of his promises to him, but also endeavoured to persuade him to subscribe to the deposition of Arius, and to the exposition of the creed adopted at Rimini, excusing to them, under the pretext of "economy," his unlawful and involuntary crime. By these doings Eunomius was grievously enraged, and would not perform either of them ; but he leaves them in possession of Cyzicus, first in promise, and afterwards confirming the grant by letter, and retired into his native country of Cappadocia.
CHAP. 4.-- Acacius, being grievously indignant against Eunomius because he had been appointed bishop of Cyzicus, accused him and Eudoxius of having consecrated as bishop, without the common consent, the disciple of Aetius, a person who vied with and even surpassed his master in the fervency of his zeal for heresy. And by his calumnies he managed to make so much way that Constantius lent him his ear, and recalled Eunomius to Antioch. On his arrival thither, Constantius ordered him to be examined, and to plead his cause in the judicial assembly. But when the assembly demanded a prosecutor, no one appeared against him; for Acacius was struck dumb with fear, and persevered in keeping a most profound silence, for he thought that his adversary would be entirely overwhelmed by the mere force of calumny with the emperor. As soon as Constantius learned this, he regarded Acacius with suspicion, as one who had instituted the charges |474 against Eudoxius rather out of spiteful motives than from any real uprightness of character. Accordingly he bade him return at once to his church, and reserved for a larger assembly all further inquiry into the present business.
CHAP. 5.--While Constantius was pondering in his mind over these matters, news was brought to him of the rebellion of Julian. Accordingly he seized at once upon Constantinople, and convened by proclamation a synod at the city of Nicaea for the purpose of examining into the doctrine which declared the Son to be of a different substance from the Father. But upon his arrival at a place called Mopsi Crene, he was struck with a fatal disorder, and being there baptized by Euzoius, he died, leaving behind him his royalty and the synods to be held for the purpose of confirming a heresy.
CHAP. 6.--When the body of Constantius was being carried out to burial, Julian entered Constantinople, and walked before the bier without his crown, thus paying honour to the corpse of one whose life he had so shortly before endeavoured to take away.
CHAP. 7.--Julian, having thus seized upon the empire, recalled Aetius as one who had been sent into banishment on account of Gallus ; and restored to their sees not only him, but also all the other prelates who had been banished on account of the contested doctrines of the church.
EPITOME OF BOOK VII.
CHAP. 1.--JULIAN having thus seized upon the imperial purple, and issued edicts permitting all possible licence to the heathen, and allowing them to practise all that they had learnt, involved the Christians in the most grievous and inexplicable persecutions, by allowing the heathen everywhere to inflict upon them every kind of death, accompanied with every sort of tortures and torments, unheard of until then.
CHAP. 2.--When George, bishop of Alexandria, presided over the council, and compelled those who were of the sentiments |475 of Aetius to subscribe the epistle against Aetius, the heathen suddenly attacked him and seized him : and after inflicting many indignities upon his body, at last they committed it to the flames. Further, this impious writer asserts that they were incited to this act by the counsel of Athanasius. For the latter recovered his see upon the death of George, and the people of Alexandria received him back with open arms.
CHAP. 3. -- Concerning an image of our Saviour erected by the faith of a pious woman in grateful remembrance of her cure from a bloody flux, Philostorgius writes, that it was placed near the fountain in the city among other statues, and presented a pleasant and agreeable sight to the passers-by. And when a certain herb, which grew up at the foot of this statue, was found to be a most effectual remedy against all diseases, and especially against consumption, men naturally began to inquire into the cause of this matter ; for by lapse of time all memory of the fact had been lost, and it was even forgotten whose statue it was, and on what account it had been erected. Inasmuch as the figure of our Saviour had long stood exposed in the open air, and a great part of it was covered over by the earth which was perpetually carried down against the pediment, especially during seasons of heavy rain, the notice contained in the inscription upon it was well nigh obliterated. A diligent inquiry was consequently made, and the part of the statue which had been covered up being brought to light, the inscription was discovered which explained the entire circumstances of the fact ; and the plant thenceforth was never again seen either there or in any other place. The statue itself they placed in the part of the church which was allotted to the deacons, paying to it due honour and respect, yet by no means adoring or worshipping it; and they showed their love for its great archetype by erecting it in that place |476 with circumstances of honour, and by flocking thither in eager crowds to behold it. During the reign of Julian, however, the heathen who inhabited Paneas were excited by an impious frenzy to pull down this statue from its pediment, and to drag it through the midst of the streets with ropes fastened round its feet; afterwards they broke in pieces the rest of the body, while some persons, indignant at the whole proceeding, secretly obtained possession of the head, which had become, detached from the neck as it was dragged along, and they preserved it as far as was possible. This transaction Philostorgius declared that he witnessed with his own eyes. But the district of Paneas was formerly called Dan, from Dan the son of Jacob, who was the head of one of the twelve tribes, which was situated in those parts. But in the course of time it came to be called Caesarea Philippi, and later still, when the heathen erected in it a statue of the god Pan, its name was changed to Paneas.
CHAP. 4.--The heathens perpetrated everywhere many atrocities against the Christians, and more particularly the following disgraceful deed they committed in Palestine. The bones of the prophet Eliseus and of John the Baptist were dug up out of their sepulchres where they were buried, and being mingled with the bones of beasts, they were thrown into the flames, reduced to ashes, and scattered to the winds. In some places, too, they seized upon the Christians and placed them as victims on the heathen altars ; and many other fearful atrocities did they commit, impelled, as it would seem, by some supernatural frenzy. When Julian learned these tidings, ho not only felt no indignation against their authors, but even rejoiced at their doings; as though the infamy belonging to such deeds attached itself to others, while his own wishes were in concert with their acts. But as soon as he perceived |477 that none of his desires were realized by all these atrocities, inasmuch as the spirit of the Christians, whom he specially persecuted, did but gather fresh strength daily, he contrived to bring into open collision the bishops who had been banished for various reasons and those who had been substituted in their room. Accordingly he gave to both parties full licence of doing whatever they could to obtain their restoration and to defend their possessions respectively. And on this account they were so brought into open contest with each other as to cause our religion great disgrace and opprobrium,--a point which the Apostate had especially at heart. He added also another insult to this malignant contrivance, for he pressed those who were already enrolled among the clerical body to undertake the public functions of the Decurios, and assigned the revenues of the churches to the ministers of the heathen deities. In fine, he did not cease to employ every effort and contrivance to cause the superstitions of the heathens to flourish in every quarter, and, as he hoped, entirely to extinguish our religion.
CHAP. 5.--While matters were in this state, Eudoxius, recalling to mind the oath and pledges in which he had bound himself before Eunomius in favour of Aetius, wrote letters to Euzoius, bishop of Antioch, commanding him to convene a synod, in order to absolve Aetius from the sentence of condemnation which had formerly been passed upon him. But Euzoius took no account of this request, but was especially loud in his censures of Eudoxius for not having sooner set himself to do what he now enjoined others to execute. But when Eudoxius persevered in his command, Euzoius at length promised to comply.
CHAP. 6.--While Aetius and Eunomius were staying at Constantinople, they were joined by Leontius, bishop of Tripolis, and Theodulus of Chaeretapa, as also by Serras. Theophilus and Heliodorus from either Libya, and all who embraced the like opinion, and who had not ventured to subscribe |478 either the condemnation of Aetius or the letter of the Western bishops. These therefore assembled together and consecrated Aetius as bishop, and Aetius and Eunomius were all in all with them. They also consecrated other bishops, Eudoxius not only not being indignant on the occasion, but also giving his vote in favour of those who were to be ordained even more readily than the partisans of Aetius. During the same period Euzoius too, having collected a synod of nine bishops, reversed the measures which had been originally adopted against Aetius. He also reversed the six months of licence at the expiration of which Serras had been condemned to deposition from his priesthood, as a punishment in case of his refusing to subscribe the deposition of Aetius and the letter of the Western bishops. Accordingly, when the two measures which I have mentioned above had turned out thus, Euzoius contemplated sending letters to Eudoxius, but it so happened that the persecution of the Christians, which at that time was past all endurance, checked his attempt.
CHAP. 7.--When the apostate Julian found himself after many ineffectual attempts unable to detach from the faith. Valentinian, the commander of a regiment in the army, he stripped him of his dignity and banished him to Thebes in Egypt. He was Comes of the band called "Cornuti," and while Constantius was emperor one of the school of the Silentiarii is said to have seen him with flames issuing out of his mouth about mid-day, just at the time when we take our meal, and to have reported the sight to Constantius. Being sent by him to summon Valentinian to his presence on some business or other, he happened to witness the event; and as soon as he learned the tidings of it, Constantius was seized with suspicion and alarm, though he did nothing to Valentinian by way of punishment. But to calm his fears, he sent |479 him to the fortresses of Mesopotamia, with instructions to keep garrison there and to check the incursions of the Persians.
CHAP. 8.--Philostorgius does not differ much from other writers in his narration concerning the martyr Babylas, the number and greatness of the indignities with which Julian treated his body, what the devils were compelled to speak, how the shrine together with the image of Apollo was burnt down by lightning, and as to all the other wondrous events which happened, both natural and supernatural. He says moreover that the holy Babylas was put to death together with three boys of a very tender age, and that his martyrdom arose from the following cause. Babylas was bishop of Antioch; by inspiration of the devil, Numerian the Roman emperor, or as others say, Decius, was led to desire to enter the church of the Christians at the time when a very large concourse of people had assembled together. But the priest of God stood at the entrance porch and forbade his entry, declaring that, so far as in him lay, he would not suffer a wolf to climb into the fold. But the emperor immediately desisted from his effort, either because he feared a popular outbreak, or because he changed his mind on some other account. But as to the bishop, he first accused him of insolence, and afterwards commanded him to sacrifice to the heathen deities, as being the only sacrifice by which he could at once wash out his offence, and gain honour and glory from posterity. Babylas having resisted the proposals of the emperor with a stout and noble heart, received the crown of martyrdom.
CHAP. 9.--The apostate Julian endeavouring to convict of falsehood the prophecies of our Saviour, in which he declared that Jerusalem should be so utterly overthrown that "one stone should not be left upon another," not only failed in his attempt, but also was compelled against his will to give a |480 most irrefragable proof of their truth. For having collected together all the Jews from every quarter, and having Supplied them with money from the imperial treasury and with other resources, he enjoined upon them to set about the rebuilding of their temple. But a panic repeatedly inspired in their minds, such as no tongue of eloquence can describe, put a check to their attempts, and also covered with shame and disgrace as well the emperor as the Jews, and drove them into the greatest straits. Hence flames came down and destroyed those who dared to set a hand to the work ; hence an earthquake came and swallowed them up, while others perished again by some other calamity. So the audacity which dared to cast discredit upon the prophecies of our Lord, was overruled to show their venerable truth and efficacy.
CHAP. 10.--When many of those who had been most furious against the Christians and our holy religion had thus suffered the well-merited penalty of their sins, Julian, the count of the East, the uncle of the apostate emperor, and Felix, the count of Largesses, and Elpidius, the prefect of the palace, whom the Romans are accustomed to call Counts of the Privy Chamber, paid the most manifest and conspicuous penalty of all. These three were among those who apostatized from our faith in order to gain favour with the emperor. Felix, indeed, without any apparent predisposing cause, suddenly burst one of the largest of the interior veins, when a torrent of blood flowed from his mouth. He afforded a most horrible spectacle to all who were present, and did not survive the stroke an entire day, for towards the same evening, when the blood ceased to flow any longer, he breathed his last. But Julian, being seized with a severe disorder, the nature of which was unknown, lay prostrated on his bed for forty days without speech, and almost without showing signs of consciousness. But afterwards, when he began to mend in a slight degree, he condemned the impious deed which he had committed, and confessed that his disease was sent upon him as a punishment for it; and recovering so far as to become a witness against his own impiety, he breathed his last in great tortures from the ulcers which tore his intestines in pieces. Last of all, Elpidius, at a somewhat later period than the rest, having |481 been detected favouring the conspiracy of Procopius, who had rebelled against Valens, was despoiled of his goods, and being condemned to perpetual imprisonment, finished his life in the deepest disgrace, amid the execration of all, who called him Elpidius the Sacrificer. Moreover, another of them, who went with the above-mentioned individuals into a church which they were pillaging and plundering, robbing it of its sacred vessels and shrines, and insulting the God who was honoured in those sacred rites, this very man, I say, insolently lifted up his robe and made water upon the altar, whereupon he suffered an immediate and sudden penalty. For those very parts which he had thus insolently abused began to putrify into his very bowels, and produced a vast multitude of worms, so that he died by a miserable end, and one which deserves to be kept in silence. Others, and many too, who had dared to perpetrate similar crimes, paid a like penalty for their sin.
CHAP. 11.--The Roman emperor Hadrian, who was called Aelius, named the city of Jerusalem Aelia, after himself, in order entirely to banish and exclude thence the Jewish race, that they might not find in the name of the city a pretext for claiming it as their country. Hadrian was in reality afraid of their hot and impetuous disposition as a nation, and especially dreaded lest they should meet in that city under the pretext of performing their sacrifices, and cause the Romans trouble.
CHAP. 12.--After the translation of the relics of the martyr Babylas, the heathen oracles, beginning with that at Delphi, gave forth some predictions and prophecies; the good providence of God permitting them to speak, but turning to shame the reverence and respect paid to them by their worshippers. For the more diligently the heathen sought to get answers from their deities in order to find a just cause for paying to them divine honours, the more they were compelled by Divine Providence to discover their weakness and powerlessness for truth ; for the answers which they uttered were shown to be false and without fulfilment. In truth, when all the oracles had given their answer, that Julian, the emperor's uncle, who at that time lay ill, would recover and not |482 die, he breathed out his wretched soul while those very responses were being read by the people.
CHAP. 13.--A certain man named Heron, a native of Thebes in Egypt, and who had borne the episcopal office, having afterwards gone back to heathen superstitions, was suddenly seized by a putrid disorder, which affected his entire body, and rendered him loathsome to the sight. Being brought then into great straits, he lay about in the streets, unpitied by any one, for the Christians turned aside from him in disgust, while the heathen knew him only so far as they had led him into their errors. Heron, indeed, died a bitter and miserable death. A certain Theotecnus, also, having passed over to the same superstition, suddenly became putrid in his body, which became a mere receptacle of worms, which eat out his eyes, and he was reduced by madness to the very last extremity. His very tongue was gnawed out and eaten by them; and after undergoing these painful tortures, he was reserved for even a severer penalty. God displayed many of these miracles at that time upon those who had impiously apostatized from religion, exacting from them a penalty commensurate with their crimes.
CHAP. 14.--When Julian bade the city of Jerusalem to be rebuilt in order to refute openly the predictions of our Lord concerning it, he brought about exactly the opposite of what he intended. For his work was checked by many other prodigies from heaven; and especially, during the preparation of the foundations, one of the stones which was placed at the lowest part of the base, suddenly started from its place and opened the door of a certain cave hollowed out in the rock. Owing to its depth, it was difficult to see what was within this cave ; so persons were appointed to investigate the matter, who, being anxious to find out the truth, let down one of their workmen by means of a rope. On being lowered down he found stagnant water reaching up to his knees ; and, having gone round the place and felt the walls on every side, he found the cave to be a perfect square. Then, in his return, as he stood near about the middle, he struck his foot against a column which stood rising slightly above the water. As soon as he touched this pillar, he found lying upon it a book wrapped |483 up in a very fine and thin linen cloth ; and as soon as he had lifted it up just as he had found it, he gave a signal to his companions to draw him up again. As soon as he regained the light, he showed them the book, which struck them all with astonishment, especially because it appeared so new and fresh, considering the place where it had been found. This book, which appeared such a mighty prodigy in the eyes of both heathens and Jews, as soon as it was opened showed the following words in large letters : "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God." In fact, the volume contained that entire Gospel which had been declared by the divine tongue of the (beloved) disciple and the Virgin. Moreover, this miracle, together with other signs which were then shown from heaven, most clearly showed that "the word of the Lord would never go forth void," which had foretold that the devastation of the Temple should be perpetual. For that book declared Him who had uttered those words long before, to be God and the Creator of the universe ; and it was a very clear proof that "their labour was but lost that built," seeing that the immutable decree of the Lord had condemned the Temple to eternal desolation. The city of Jerusalem itself was formerly called Jebus, and was inhabited by some of the tribe of Benjamin, before King David took it by the aid of Joab. The army promised him the throne of Israel if he could only get possession of that city, and when he captured it, the army faithfully observed its promises. He then built a new city on the same site, and chose it as the metropolis of the entire Hebrew race.
CHAP. 15. -- The apostate Julian undertook an expedition against the Persians, relying upon the prophecies of the heathen oracles in different quarters, that his might would prove irresistible. But a certain old man, who had long since been discharged from the Persian service, contrived by fraud and treachery to insnare the Apostate as he was making war in Persia. And when he had brought the Romans into the greatest straits by leading them into a pathless desert, in which a very great portion of the army perished, he gave the |484 enemy, like the prey of a hunter, into the hands of his countrymen. For the Persians rushed upon the Romans, having joined to their forces as allies some Saracenic horsemen who were armed with spears. One of them hurled a spear against Julian, which struck him on the thigh near the groin; and when the spear was drawn out, it was followed by a quantity of dung and blood also. One of the body-guard of the emperor immediately attacked the Saracen who had wounded the king, and cut off his head : while the Romans immediately placed Julian, thus mortally wounded, on a shield, and carried him off into a tent. Many even thought that the fatal blow was struck by Julian's own friends, so sudden and unexpected was it, and so much at a loss were they to know whence it proceeded. But the wretched Julian took up in his hands the blood which flowed from his wounds, and cast it up towards the sun, exclaiming, "Take thy fill;" and he added curses upon the other gods as villains and destroyers. In his train was a most distinguished physician, one Oribasius, a native of the Lydian city, Sardis. But the wound was far beyond all medical art, and carried Julian off after three days of suffering, after he had enjoyed the dignity of Caesar for five years, and the imperial throne two years and a half from the death of Constantius. Philostorgius in this passage writes, that Julian sprinkled his blood towards the sun and cursed his gods. But most historians write that he used this act as an expression of hatred against our Lord and only true God, Jesus Christ." |485
EPITOME OF BOOK VIII.
CHAP. 1.--ON the next day after Julian's death, the soldiers proclaimed Jovian emperor. He found that there was no other means left of escape, for the whole army had been reduced to a tenth of its original numbers ; so he concluded a truce for three years with the Persians, on the condition of surrendering to them Nisibis and all the fortresses which had been erected by the Romans as means of defence against the Persians, even as far as Armenia. Moreover, Merobaudes and his fellow-comrades, as they were carrying the corpse of Julian into Cilicia, placed it by accident, and not by design, opposite to the tomb which contained the bones of Maximin, so that the coffins of both were separated from each other only by the highway.
CHAP. 2.--Euzoius and the bishops of his party compiled a book in defence of Aetius and his doctrines, but they took no pains to get the matter brought to a satisfactory termination. Accordingly Aetius and Eunomius stayed some time in Constantinople, and busied themselves with looking after their own affairs ; and having arranged other matters as seemed to them most advantageous, they ordered certain bishops, among whom were Candidus and Arrianus, who were |486 set over the churches of Lydia and Ionia, while Theodulus was promoted from the see of Chaeretapa to the bishopric of Palestine. At Constantinople too they chose Paemenius as bishop of their church, for many seceders from the party of Eudoxius and other sects in that city had swelled the adherents of Aetius and Eunomius. By this act, however, they contrived to incur the hostility of Eudoxius, who had hitherto cherished the hope of cementing a friendship with them. And when Paemenius died, soon after this, they substituted Florentius in his place, at the same time appointing Thallus bishop of Lesbos, upon the death of the existing bishop. Euphronius, too, they set over Galatia, on the shores of the Euxine, and Cappadocia, as bishop, and Julian over Cilicia. Theophilus the Indian not long afterwards betook himself to Antioch in Coele-Syria of his own accord, for the special purpose of rousing Euzoius to carry into execution the decrees which had been passed in favour of Aetius ; and, if he could not accomplish this point, at all events to preside over the people who adhered to his own views of doctrine. But the care of both parts of Libya, and all who professed their doctrines throughout Egypt, was placed in the hands of Serras and Stephen and Heliodorus. In relating all these matters, Philostorgius exceeds all bounds of moderation in praising their eloquence and their sanctity of life to the skies.
CHAP. 3.--Philostorgius makes mention of a certain bishop named Theodosius, a most zealous supporter of the Eunomian tenets, but a follower of wanton women, and one who added some other impious tenets to the ancient creed, and especially this, namely, that the nature of Christ was subject to change, but that by the most perfect practice of the Christian virtues he was raised to a state not subject to change ; and also that God neither speaks nor hears, for else he would have material hands and ears. Many other impious assertions of the same Theodosius are also related by him. |487
CHAP. 4.--Aetius, indeed, went into Lydia to set Candidas and Arrian over the districts of that province. But the aforesaid Theodosius, fearing that their life would be the condemnation of his own, took up hostilities against Aetius, although previously he had refused to put his signature to the synodical epistle against him ; and having communicated his design to Phoebus, who was himself of the number of those who had declined to condemn Aetius, and who was inclined to regard Theodosius in the more friendly manner from early remembrance of him, and from being like to him in the immorality of his life,--the two joined forces with Auxidianus, who, like themselves, had been a bishop, and laid their plans against Aetius and Candidas, collected together six other bishops, and having formed themselves into a synod, sent letters by common consent to Eudoxius and Maris. In these letters they condemned the ordination of Aetius as illegal, especially on the ground that after his being deposed from the diaconate, and while as yet he was still under the censure of those who had deposed him, still, though degraded from the lower office, he had been promoted to the higher rank. They also assailed the ordination of Candidus and Arrianus, on the ground that they had been hastily performed without the common consent, and likewise other ordinations which had been held by Aetius. Eudoxius, however, having very readily received this letter, never took the pains to call back to mind the sacred oaths by which he had pledged himself to Eunomius, and the letters which he had written to Euzoius, and the many and various pledges by which he had ratified his promises. But he wrote back to Theodosius and his companions, urging them to carry on the matter with promptness, and exhorting them to reserve their punishments for those who had held ordinations, rather than visit those who had been ordained with penalties.
CHAP. 5.--The emperor Jovian restored the churches to their original uses, and set them free from all the vexatious |488 persecutions inflicted on them by the apostate Julian. He also called back from exile all whom he had banished because they refused to abandon their faith : among their number was Valentinian, who at that time returned from Thebes in Egypt.
CHAP. 6.--Philostorgius says, that Candidus and Arrianus, relatives of Jovian, came to him while he was staying at Edessa, and resisted him in his efforts to conciliate the goodwill of the emperor towards Athanasius. But the emperor referred what was said on either side to be decided by the common voice, and meantime showed no sign as to which of the two sides he regarded with favour.
CHAP. 7.--Eudoxius addressed to Euzoius certain letters against Candidus and Arrianus. Euzoius felt indignant at this step, so he joined forces with Elpidius, and wrote back to Eudoxius, partly in censure of his opinion, and partly, on the other hand, exhorting him the rather to give up opinions of such a nature. At the same time he visited him with a gentle censure for the long delay which he had made in performing the promises which he had made Eunomius in favour of Aetius.
CHAP. 8.--The emperor Jovian, having arrived at Ancyra, on his way to Constantinople, gave the title of "most noble" to one of his two sons, named Varronianus, who was then quite a child. Thence he set out with his army on a further expedition, though it was the very depth of winter, and lost many of his men upon the road ; reaching Dadastana itself together with a few survivors. Having put up at a certain station on the way, he laid down to take his rest in a bedchamber, the walls of which had been recently white-washed ; and when a fire was lit, and the heat diffused itself through the room, the moisture of the newly-stained walls began to exude, and being drawn in by the nostrils in breathing, choked up the passages of the lungs, and suffocated the emperor, after he had held the imperial throne about ten months complete. |489 His corpse was afterwards brought to Constantinople. The army on its arrival at Nicaea, after a lapse of twelve days, proclaimed Valentinian emperor, according to a suggestion of Datian the patrician, communicated in letters from Galatia, where he had been left, partly on account of his old age, and partly on account of the severity of the winter. Secundus, prefect of the Praetorium, and Arinthaeus, master of the horse, together with Dagalairus, chamberlain of the household, joined in effecting this matter. And when forthwith after his proclamation, the army, as it carried along the emperor on a shield, demanded of him that he would choose some one to share with him the imperial power, Valentinian lifted up his hand and commanded them to hold their peace; and no way alarmed, he thus addresed them with all the firmness of an emperor. "It was your own free choice and vote, my soldiers, which raised me from a private state to the dignity of emperor. Henceforth, however, to discern and to arrange what is to be done, is the place of the emperor only, and not that of his subjects." As soon, however, as he had entered Constantinople, he took his brother Valens to share his throne, and having made this appointment, went as far as Sirmium in the regions of the West; here he divided with his brother all the imperial ornaments, and the other insignia of state and court, and sent him back to Constantinople, assigning to him all those parts of the East which had been formerly subject to Constantius. The emperor himself, however, took in hand the other two portions of the empire, and so possessed himself of the entire West. And not long afterwards he began to train up, in imitation of his own character, his son Gratian, whom he advanced to the regal dignity at a very early age.
CHAP. 9.--Philostorgius says, that Hypatia, the daughter of Theon, was so well educated in mathematics by her father, that she far surpassed her teacher, and especially in astronomy, and taught many others the mathematical sciences. The impious writer asserts that, during the reign of Theodosius |490 the younger, she was torn in pieces by the Homoousian party.
CHAP. 10.--The author here relates that there was a Philostorgius living in the days of Valens and Valentinian, who was the most illustrious physician of his time. He had two sons, Philagrius and Posidonius. Of these two, he relates that he saw Posidonius, who was also eminent as a physician. This Posidonius, however, used falsely to assert that men do not grow fanatic by the agency of evil spirits, but merely by the superfluity of certain evil humours ; and that there is no power in evil spirits to assail the human race. At the same period also flourished Magnus, who practised the same art at Alexandria.
CHAP. 11.--This impious writer, though against his will, expresses his admiration of the wisdom of Basil the Great and Gregory the theologian ; whose country Nazianzum he calls Nadiandum. But he prefers to both the one and the other Apollinaris of Laodicea, as far as regards the literature of the Scriptures, though he admits that in panegyrical discourses the latter is surpassed by Basil; while Gregory, as compared with the other two, had a much more rounded style of composition ; he was also more fluent in speech than Apollinaris, and more stately than Basil.
CHAP. 12.--He says that not only Basil the Great, but also Apollinaris, wrote against the Apology of Eunomius; but that Eunomius replied to him in five books, and that when he had read only the first of these, he was struck with such profound remorse that he died. Thus does this writer show how much more highly he values falsehood than truth,
CHAP. 13.--He openly calumniates these same most holy men, Basil and Gregory. For he makes out that they said that the Son was not made man, but dwelt in a human frame ; and on this account Apollinaris joined their party. He also not only accuses him on account of those matters for which he is deservedly censured by pious individuals, but he also relates that ho was carried away into another strange belief. For among other things, he asserts that he denied the resurrection of the body. |491
CHAP. 14.--In the books which he wrote against Porphyry, Apollinaris far surpassed all that had been written against the same Porphyry by Eusebius. He also left far behind the books of Methodius on the same subject.